This article originally appeared in the St. Louis Beacon, Aug. 16, 2013: U.S. Rep. Sam Graves, R-Tarkio, recalls that when he was in the Missouri House in the early 1990s, then under Democratic control, then-House Speaker Bob Griffin used to joke that the small cadre of Republican lawmakers “could caucus in a phone booth.’’
Now, Graves notes, the tables are turned. It’s the Democrats who are heavily outnumbered in Jefferson City, and he quipped, “can caucus in an outhouse now.”
What he left unsaid, but was clear to his jubilant audience, was that Missouri’s huge Republican majority now must caucus in a ballroom.
That audience included most of the state House’s 109-member Republican majority who – along with dozens of party activists, lobbyists and three members of Congress – packed a ballroom Thursday night at the Westin hotel downtown.
The reception kicked off a two-day closed-door caucus of Republican House members. They will determine which of the 29 bills that passed the General Assembly this spring, but were vetoed by Gov. Jay Nixon, stand a chance of being resurrected during the veto session that begins Sept. 11.
“The centerpiece of our discussion,’’ said state Rep. Todd Richardson, R-Poplar Bluff, will be the most talked-about piece of legislation in the state: the tax-cut bill officially known as House Bill 253.
Caucus to zero in on likely GOP defectors
Richardson was among several legislators who said they were cautiously optimistic that supporters could obtain the necessary 109 votes – a solid GOP bloc of support that even House Speaker Tim Jones, R-Eureka, acknowledged several weeks ago will be a challenge to achieve.
Republicans appear to agree that even one defection would likely kill HB 253’s chances because GOP leaders don’t expect any House Democrats to break away from the governor. Complicating the matter is that only 100 Republicans backed the bill to begin with.
House Budget chairman Rick Stream, R-Kirkwood, cited several wavering GOP legislators who voted against the bill originally; they are being encouraged to stick with party leaders and vote to override Nixon. The problem, said Stream, is that “the education establishment is pounding these guys.”
Many Missouri educators believe state aid will be cut if the tax cut package becomes law. Supporters say that the cuts will attract more businesses and jobs, which could lead to more state income. (Nixon and his Democratic allies contend the state’s coffers will be hit hard, forcing major cuts.)
On Friday, the Missouri School Board Association sent out a statement directed at the caucus, in which the association reaffirmed its opposition to HB 253.
“We continue to be very encouraged by the discussions school board members throughout Missouri are having with their local legislators regarding the harmful impact of House Bill 253 on our public schools," said association executive director Carter Ward.
"We believe the effort to prevent the override of the veto is gaining strong momentum and we encourage House members to oppose an attempt to override the veto in September.”
Stream said he was prepared to call every superintendent in the state in hopes of changing their opinion of HB 253.
Stream also is conducting a budget seminar of sorts Friday for caucus members to go over the state’s budget situation and, presumably, drive home his pitch in favor of HB 253.
Still, state Rep. Mike Leara, R-south St. Louis County, was candidly pessimistic about the tax-cut bill’s chances, even though he emphasized he will vote to override Nixon’s veto. He took note of the recent public comments from several outstate Republicans who said they likely would oppose the override.
New U.S. Rep. Jason Smith, R-Salem, warned the partisan crowd that they shouldn’t underestimate Nixon’s clout on any of the vetoed bills – even though his Democratic Party is heavily outnumbered in the House.
The fact that Nixon vetoed the most bills of his tenure this year, despite the GOP's huge majorities, “shows that he’s pretty ballsy and he thinks that the Republicans don’t govern,” the congressman said.
“He thinks that he, as a Democrat governor, can veto anything he wants because he doesn’t think that you all will stick together,” Smith continued. “And that’s what it boils down to.”
Smith observed with a chuckle that one of his last bills – HB 110 – was among Nixon’s vetoed bills. One of that measure’s provisions would bar the governor from appointing a lieutenant governor, should the office become vacant. So far, there hasn’t been talk of attempting a veto override.
Wagner: GOP governor needed
Although much of the speculation revolves around the tax-cut bill, several other vetoed measures will be discussed during the caucus to gauge the support for override votes.
Those bills include one to nullify all federal gun laws, barring their enforcement in Missouri, and a measure limiting court-ordered damages for workers injured at mines operated and maintained by the Jefferson County-based Doe Run Co.
The challenge of solid GOP unity helps explain why U.S. Rep. Ann Wagner, R-Ballwin, sought to drive home a two-pronged message in her speech. “Stay strong, stay together, stay unified,” she said.
But Wagner then shifted into what she said must be the long-term GOP goal – electing a like-minded Republican governor in 2016, thus eliminating the veto roadblock to many legislative aims.
“The Democrats have an announced candidate for governor, and it is time to starting ‘taking it’ to Chris Koster,” she declared. “I want you to ‘take it’ to the attorney general, and make sure that we have a Republican (governor) so that you won’t be...dealing with a veto session like you are about to.”
Wagner was followed on stage by former state House Speaker Catherine Hanaway, R-west St. Louis County, who said in an interview that she’s giving serious consideration to taking on Koster.
“The overwhelming encouragement I’m getting is (to run for) governor,” Hanaway said, who also has been entertaining a 2016 bid for attorney general.
Aside from the veto talk, the power of the state House’s GOP majority was made clear by all the lobbyists who showed up for the reception – and the lengthy lists of corporate donors displayed on large screens around the ballroom.
Lobbyist Rodney Hubbard, a former Democratic state representative, said he attended as a representative of his clients to show respect – not to lobby for any particular vetoed bill. “It’s always best to show your face when you’re not looking for something,’’ he quipped.
Even a Democratic legislator showed up: state Sen. Jamilah Nasheed, D-St. Louis. “One, these are my friends,’’ she said. “Two, I’m very bipartisan. And three, this (hotel) is in my district.”
Nasheed didn’t mention her views on any of the vetoed bills.
