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Commentary: What's the big deal about local police control?

This article first appeared in the St. Louis Beacon, Dec. 15, 2009 - If one were to interview elected officials or residents in American cities -- cities such as Milwaukee, Cincinnati, Seattle or Boston -- and ask how they felt about local control of the police, the probable result would be blank stares. In general, cities have had local control of public safety for well more than 100 years. One of the few exceptions is St. Louis.

In the 19th century, states frequently took over local policing and other critical functions. But generally, control soon returned to the municipalities involved. The St. Louis experience obviously does not fit the 19th century norm.

In 1861, Missouri legislators, a Confederate-sympathizing lot, established their jurisdiction over the St. Louis police. At that time, war clouds were clearly on the horizon, and folks in Jefferson City did not want the large arsenal in St. Louis to fall into the hands of the abolitionist German immigrants there. The Civil War may have ended in 1865, but state control of the police persists to this day.

The St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department is governed by a five-member board. Four members are appointed by the governor, with St. Louis' mayor serving ex officio. Perks include cars and health insurance for life, and appointments are highly sought after.

Corporate magnates and powerful legislators lobby the governor in support of their board candidates. The people selected often do not have a background in law enforcement and, except for the mayor, usually have no background in city governance or finance. Their most important function is to select a new chief, although they also enact the budget and deal with thorny issues such as the residency requirement.

Meanwhile, the state legislature sets salaries and the total yearly budget, regardless of city circumstances or desires. Mayor Vincent C. Schoemehl went to court to see that the Hancock amendment, which was supposed to control the rate of increase in state spending, applied to the police budget. Budget increases over the 1983 sum had to be negotiated. Nonetheless, police funding takes up a third of the city's spending. And because voters gave firefighters pay parity with the police, state control of the police budget has an even greater affect on the city budget.

Some scholars have found the St. Louis police to be competent and efficient, even though, in recent years, questions have been raised regarding the use of force, particularly when race was involved. And the towing scandal that broke this year raised grave questions about department administration.

Even if St. Louis were to regain control of its police, that would not ensure against these inappropriate behaviors. However, the operations of the department would become more transparent and elected officials would have a greater say over how crime is to be fought and how to pay for it all.

Some police officers have told me that they don't want 28 aldermen breathing down their necks. But police departments in other cities cope with city council members. Yes, politics would be involved. But there is politics now. It's just not local.

The mayor has limited control; he can lobby. Aldermen have no control. A state representative from the Bootheel can exert greater influence than the alderman from the Ville.

Newly elected state Sen. Joe Keaveny has already prefiled a bill to establish local control. Jamilah Nasheed and other St. Louis representatives have said they will push that effort in the Missouri House.

This may be the session that the legislature will have to decide whether St. Louis can join the rest of its municipal brethren in handling its own public safety. But remember, the decision will not be up to the local delegation; it will be made by legislators from all around the state. And outstate lawmakers may lose perks and influence if they vote yes: perks such as free parking by Busch Stadium or campaign contributions.

Plus, some legislators relish their status as aces. To get on the police force or to get ahead once on it, a person has often needed the influence of a powerful political figure such as a state legislator. Other cities may see the influence of aces, but they are usually local leaders. In the case of the St. Louis police, the ace could be from Sikeston or Moberly.

Whether or not there is local control, the police department will remain insulated and self-protective. That is its nature. Training and experience, police feel, make them alone able to judge police work. But if Keaveny is successful, the citizenry gains increased access and it should be easier for residents to understand programs and costs. Plus, St. Louis will no longer be the great anomaly among the nation's cities.

Lana Stein is a professor emerita of political science at the University of Missouri at St. Louis. 

Lana Stein is emeritus professor of political science at the University of Missouri-St. Louis. She is the author of several books and journal articles about urban politics, political behavior and bureaucracy.